An Affidavit Of
Richard More, Perhaps The Eldest Of These Children, Indentured To
Elder Brewster, Dated In 1684., Found In "Proceedings Of The
Provincial Court, Maryland Archives, Vol.
Xiv.
('New England
Historic-Genealogical Register,' vol 1. p. 203 )," affirms the
deponent to be then "seaventy years or thereabouts" of age, which
would have made him some six years of age, "or thereabouts," in
1620. He deposes "that being in London at the house of Mr. Thomas
Weston, Iron monger, in the year 1620, he was from there transported
to New Plymouth in New England," etc. This clearly identifies
Richard More of the MAY FLOWER, and renders it well-nigh certain
that he and his brothers and sister, "bound out" like himself to
Pilgrim leaders, were of the English company, were probably never in
Leyden or on the SPEEDWELL, and were very surely passengers on the
MAY-FLOWER from London, in charge of Mr. Cushman or others. The
fact that the lad was in London, and went from thence direct to New
England, is good evidence that he was not of the Leyden party. The
fair presump tion is that his brothers and sister were, like
himself, of English birth, and humble - perhaps deceased - parents,
taken because of their orphaned condition. It is highly improbable
that they would be taken from London to Southampton by land, at the
large expense of land travel in those days, when the MAY-FLOWER was
to sail from London. That they would accompany their respective
masters to their respectively assigned ships at Southampton is
altogether likely. The phraseology of his affidavit suggests the
probability that Richard More, his brothers, and sister were brought
to Mr. Weston's house, to be by him sent aboard the MAY-FLOWER,
about to sail. The affidavit is almost conclusive evidence as to
the fact that the More children were all of the English colonists'
party, though apprenticed to Leyden families, and belonged to the
London passenger list of the Pilgrim ship. The researches of Dr.
Neill among the MS. "minutes" and "transactions" of the (London)
Virginia Company show germanely that, on November 17, 1619, "the
treasurer, council, and company" of this Virginia Company addressed
Sir William Cockaine, Knight, Lord Mayor of the city of London, and
the right worthys the aldermen, his brethren, and the worthys the
"common council of the city," and returning thanks for the benefits
conferred, in furnishing out one hundred children this last year
for "the plantation in Virginia" (from what Neill calls the
"homeless boys and girls of London"), states, that, "forasmuch as we
have now resolved to send this next spring [1620] very large
supplies," etc., "we pray your Lordship and the rest . . . to
renew the like favors, and furnish us again with one hundred more
for the next spring. Our desire is that we may have them of twelve
years old and upward, with allowance of L3 apiece for their
transportation, and 40s. apiece for their apparel, as was formerly
granted. They shall be apprenticed; the boys till they come to 21
years of age, the girls till like age or till they be married," etc.
A letter of Sir Edwin Sandys (dated January 28, 1620) to Sir Robert
Naunton shows that "The city of London have appointed one hundred
children from the superfluous multitude to be transported to
Virginia, there to be bound apprentices upon very beneficial
conditions." In view of the facts that these More children - and
perhaps others - were "apprenticed" or "bound" to the Pilgrims
(Carver, Winslow, Brewster, etc.), and that there must have been
some one to make the indentures, it seems strongly probable that
these four children of one family, - as Bradford shows, - very likely
orphaned, were among those designated by the city of London for the
benefit of the (London) Virginia Company in the spring of 1620.
They seem to have been waifs caught up in the westward-setting
current, but only Richard survived the first winter. Bradford,
writing in 1650, states of Richard More that his brothers and sister
died, "but he is married [1636] and hath 4 or 5 children." William
T. Davis, in his "Ancient Landmarks of Plymouth" (p. 24), states,
and Arber copies him, that "he was afterwards called Mann; and died
at Scituate, New England, in 1656." The researches of Mr. George E.
Bowman, the able Secretary of the Massachusetts Society of
MAY-FLOWER Descendants, some time since disproved this error,
but Mores affidavit quoted conclusively determines the matter.
The possible accessions to the company, at London or Southampton, of
Henry Sampson and Humility Cooper, cousins of Edward Tilley and wife,
would be added to the passengers of the pinnace rather than to the
MAY-FLOWER'S, if, as seems probable, their relatives were of the
SPEEDWELL. If Edward Tilley and his wife were assigned to the MAY
FLOWER, room would doubtless also be found for these cousins on the
ship. John Alden, the only positively known addition (except Carver)
made to the list at Southampton, was, from the nature of his engagement
as "cooper," quite likely assigned to the larger ship. There are no
known hints as to the assignments of passengers to the respective
vessels at Southampton - then supposed to be final - beyond the remarks of
Bradford that "the chief [principal ones] of them that came from Leyden
went on this ship [the SPEEDWELL] to give the Master content," and his
further minute, that "Master Martin was governour in the biger ship and
Master Cushman assistante." It is very certain that Deacon Carver, one
of the four agents of the colonists, who had "fitted out" the voyage in
England, was a passenger in the SPEEDWELL from Southampton, - as the
above mentioned remark of Bradford would suggest, - and was made
"governour" of her passengers, as he later was of the whole company, on
the MAY-FLOWER. It has sometimes been queried whether, in the interim
between the arrival of the SPEEDWELL at Southampton and the assignment
of the colonists to their respective ships (especially as both vessels
were taking in and transferring cargo), the passengers remained on board
or were quartered on shore.
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