"The Agents Of The Company In
England Had Hired The SPEEDWELL, Of Sixty Tons, And Sent Her To
Delfthaven, To
Convey the colonists to Southampton." In this, however,
he but follows Mather and the "Modern Universal History," though both are
Notably unreliable; but he lacks their excuse, for they were without his
access to Bradford's "Historie." That the consort-pinnace was neither
"hired" nor "sent to Delfthaven" duly appears.
Bradford states the fact, - that "a smale ship (of some 60 tune), was
bought and fitted in Holand, which was intended to serve to help to
transport them, so to stay in ye countrie and atend ye fishing and such
other affairs as might be for ye good and benefite of ye colonie when
they come ther." The statements of Bradford and others indicate that she
was bought and refitted with moneys raised in Holland, but it is not easy
to understand the transaction, in view of the understood terms of the
business compact between the Adventurers and the Planters, as hereinafter
outlined. The Merchant Adventurers - who were organized (but not
incorporated) chiefly through the activity of Thomas Weston, a merchant
of London, to "finance" the Pilgrim undertaking - were bound, as part of
their engagement, to provide the necessary shipping,' etc., for the
voyage. The "joint-stock or partnership," as it was called in the
agreement of the Adventurers and Planters, was an equal partnership
between but two parties, the Adventurers, as a body, being one of the
co-partners; the Planter colonists, as a body, the other. It was a
partnership to run for seven years, to whose capital stock the
first-named partner (the Adventurers) was bound to contribute whatever
moneys, or their equivalents, - some subscriptions were paid in goods,
- were necessary to transport, equip, and maintain the colony and provide
it the means of traffic, etc., for the term named. The second-named
partner (the Planter body) was to furnish the men, women, and children,
- the colonists themselves, and their best endeavors, essential to the
enterprise, - and such further contributions of money or provisions, on
an agreed basis, as might be practicable for them. At the expiration of
the seven years, all properties of every kind were to be divided into
two equal parts, of which the Adventurers were to take one and the
Planters the other, in full satisfaction of their respective investments
and claims. The Adventurers' half would of course be divided among
themselves, in such proportion as their individual contributions bore to
the sum total invested. The Planters would divide their half among
their number, according to their respective contributions of persons,
money, or provisions, as per the agreed basis, which was:
[Bradford's Historie, Deane's ed.; Arber, op. cit. p. 305.
The fact that Lyford (Bradford, Historie, Mass. ed. p. 217)
recommended that every "particular" (i.e. non-partnership colonist)
sent out by the Adventurers - and they had come to be mostly of that
class - "should come over as an Adventurer, even if only a ser vant,"
and the fact that he recognized that some one would have to pay in
L10 to make each one an Adventurer, would seem to indicate that any
one was eligible and that either L10 was the price of the Merchant
Adventurer's share, or that this was the smallest subscription which
would admit to membership. Such "particular," even although an
Adventurer, had no partnership share in the Planters' half-interest;
had no voice in the government, and no claim for maintenance. He
was, however, amenable to the government, subject to military duty
and to tax. The advantage of being an Adventurer without a voice in
colony affairs would be purely a moral one.]
that every person joining the enterprise, whether man, woman, youth,
maid, or servant, if sixteen years old, should count as a share; that a
share should be reckoned at L10, and hence that L10 worth of money or
provisions should also count as a share. Every man, therefore, would be
entitled to one share for each person (if sixteen years of age) he
contributed, and for each L10 of money or provisions he added thereto,
another share. Two children between ten and sixteen would count as one
and be allowed a share in the division, but children under ten were to
have only fifty acres of wild land. The scheme was admirable for its
equity, simplicity, and elasticity, and was equally so for either
capitalist or colonist.
Goodwin notes, that, "in an edition of Cushman's 'Discourse,' Judge Davis
of Boston advanced the idea that at first the Pilgrims put all their
possessions into a common stock, and until 1623 had no individual
property. In his edition of Morton's 'Memorial' he honorably admits his
error." The same mistake was made by Robertson and Chief Justice
Marshall, and is occasionally repeated in this day. "There was no
community of goods, though there was labor in common, with public
supplies of food and clothing." Neither is there warrant for the
conclusion of Goodwin, that because the holdings of the Planters' half
interest in the undertaking were divided into L10 shares, those of the
Adventurers were also. It is not impossible, but it does not necessarily
follow, and certain known facts indicate the contrary.
Rev. Edward Everett Hale, in "The Pilgrims' Life in Common," says:
"Carver, Winslow, Bradford, Brewster, Standish, Fuller, and Allerton.
were the persons of largest means in the Leyden group of the emigrants.
It seems as if their quota of subscription to the common stock were paid
in 'provisions' for the voyage and the colony, and that by 'provisions'
is meant such articles of food as could be best bought in Holland." The
good Doctor is clearly in error, in the above. Allerton was probably as
"well off" as any of the Leyden contingent, while Francis Cooke and
Degory Priest were probably "better off" than either Brewster or
Standish, who apparently had little of this world's goods. Neither is
there any evidence that any considerable amount of "provision" was bought
in Holland.
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