In The Narrative Of The Former, Unc Is Only Connected
With King Or Prester John; In That Of The Latter, Rehearsing The Story As
Heard Some 20 Or 25 Years Later, The Two Are Identified.
The shadowy
role of Prester John has passed from the Ruler of Kara Khitai to the
Chief of the Keraits.
This transfer brings us to another history.
We have already spoken of the extensive diffusion of Nestorian
Christianity in Asia during the early and Middle Ages. The Christian
historian Gregory Abulfaraj relates a curious history of the conversion,
in the beginning of the 11th century, of the King of Kerith with his
people, dwelling in the remote north-east of the land of the Turks. And
that the Keraits continued to profess Christianity down to the time of
Chinghiz is attested by Rashiduddin's direct statement, as well as by the
numerous Christian princesses from that tribe of whom we hear in Mongol
history. It is the chief of this tribe of whom Rubruquis and Polo speak
under the name of Unc Khan, and whom the latter identifies with Prester
John. His proper name is called Tuli by the Chinese, and Togrul by the
Persian historians, but the Kin sovereign of Northern China had conferred
on him the title of Wang or King, from which his people gave him the
slightly corrupted cognomen of [Arabic], which some scholars read Awang,
and Avenk Khan, but which the spelling of Rubruquis and Polo shows
probably to have been pronounced as Aung or Ung Khan.[12] The
circumstance stated by Rubruquis of his having abandoned the profession of
Christianity, is not alluded to by Eastern writers; but in any case his
career is not a credit to the Faith. I cannot find any satisfactory
corroboration of the claims of supremacy over the Mongols which Polo
ascribes to Aung Khan. But that his power and dignity were considerable,
appears from the term Padshah which Rashiduddin applies to him. He had
at first obtained the sovereignty of the Keraits by the murder of two of
his brothers and several nephews. Yessugai, the father of Chinghiz, had
been his staunch friend, and had aided him effectually to recover his
dominion from which he had been expelled. After a reign of many years he
was again ejected, and in the greatest necessity sought the help of
Temujin (afterwards called Chinghiz Khan), by whom he was treated with the
greatest consideration. This was in 1196. For some years the two chiefs
conducted their forays in alliance, but differences sprang up between
them; the son of Aung Khan entered into a plot to kill Temujin, and in
1202-1203 they were in open war. The result will be related in connection
with the next chapters.
We may observe that the idea which Joinville picked up in the East about
Prester John corresponds pretty closely with that set forth by Marco.
Joinville represents him as one of the princes to whom the Tartars were
tributary in the days of their oppression, and as "their ancient enemy";
one of their first acts, on being organized under a king of their own, was
to attack him and conquer him, slaying all that bore arms, but sparing all
monks and priests. The expression used by Joinville in speaking of the
original land of the Tartars, "une grande berrie de sablon," has not
been elucidated in any edition that I have seen. It is the Arabic [Arabic]
Baeriya, "a Desert." No doubt Joinville learned the word in Palestine.
(See Joinville, p. 143 seqq.; see also Oppert, Der Presb. Johannes in
Sage und Geschichte, and Cathay, etc., pp. 173-182.) [Fried. Zarncke,
Der Priester Johannes; Cordier, Odoric. - H. C.]
[1] A passage in Mirkhond extracted by Erdmann (Temudschin, p. 532)
seems to make Bala Saghun the same as Bishbalik, now Urumtsi, but this
is inconsistent with other passages abstracted by Oppert (Presbyter
Johan. 131-32); and Vambery indicates a reason for its being sought
very much further west (H. of Bokhara, 116). [Dr. Bretschneider
(Med. Res.) has a chapter on Kara-Khitai (I. 208 seqq.) and in a
long note on Bala Sagun, which he calls Belasagun, he says (p. 226)
that "according to the Tarikh Djihan Kushai (d'Ohsson, i. 433), the
city of Belasagun had been founded by Buku Khan, sovereign of the
Uigurs, in a well-watered plain of Turkestan with rich pastures. The
Arabian geographers first mention Belasagun, in the ninth or tenth
century, as a city beyond the Sihun or Yaxartes, depending on
Isfidjab (Sairam, according to Lerch), and situated east of Taras.
They state that the people of Turkestan considered Belasagun to
represent 'the navel of the earth,' on account of its being situated
in the middle between east and west, and likewise between north and
south." (Sprenger's Poststr. d. Or., Mavarannahar). Dr.
Bretschneider adds (p. 227): "It is not improbable that ancient
Belasagun was situated at the same place where, according to the T'ang
history, the Khan of one branch of the Western T'u Kue (Turks) had his
residence in the seventh century. It is stated in the T'ang shu that
Ibi Shabolo Shehu Khan, who reigned in the first half of the seventh
century, placed his ordo on the northern border of the river Sui ye.
This river, and a city of the same name, are frequently mentioned in
the T'ang annals of the seventh and eighth centuries, in connection
with the warlike expeditions of the Chinese in Central Asia. Sui ye
was situated on the way from the river Ili to the city of Ta-lo-sz'
(Talas). In 679 the Chinese had built on the Sui ye River a fortress;
but in 748 they were constrained to destroy it." (Comp. Visdelou in
Suppl. Bibl. Orient. pp. 110-114; Gaubil's Hist. de la Dyn. des
Thang, in Mem. conc. Chin. xv. p. 403 seqq.). - H. C.]
[2] Sic: Per aliquot annos, but an evident error.
[3] J. As. ser. V. tom. xi.
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